The Novelist Who Was Tried for Witchcraft
In 158 CE a proconsul in North Africa heard a capital case against a philosopher accused of bewitching a rich widow into marriage. His defence survives complete. Nothing else like it does.

Thallus went down in front of the whole court. More than once, Apuleius says, always the same slave boy, always the same collapse, and the prosecution wanted the jury to see exactly one thing in it: proof that a dangerous magician had used the boy as an instrument, staring him into a trance until some power took hold and threw him to the floor.
Apuleius stood up and said the boy had epilepsy. He had medical opinion ready to cite, and a list of ordinary things that can trigger a fit in someone who suffers from it: the smell of burning jet, the sight of a potter's wheel spinning. Nothing supernatural required. Just a sick child and an accusation built on top of him.
That was the smallest charge on the table. Apuleius was on trial for his life.
A capital case in a provincial court
Sabratha, on the Libyan coast, in 158 CE. The proconsul Claudius Maximus is hearing a case brought under the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficiis, a law from 81 BCE written for murderers and poisoners and by now stretched to cover sorcery as well. Conviction can mean death.
The defendant is a young philosopher from Madauros, trained at Athens, fluent in two languages, on his way somewhere in the Roman world when he stopped in the port city of Oea and, within a few months, married one of its richest widows.
That marriage is the whole case. Everything else is decoration built to support it.
Pudentilla, and who lost out
Aemilia Pudentilla had been alone for fourteen years since her first husband died, raising two sons and managing a fortune that everyone in Oea had an opinion about. When she married Apuleius, her late husband's brother, Sicinius Aemilianus, did not treat it as a private matter. Neither did Herennius Rufinus, father-in-law to her younger son.
Both men stood to benefit if that money stayed in the family rather than passing to a new husband. Both put their names behind the prosecution. The charge on paper was magic. The dispute underneath it was an inheritance.
Apuleius does not let the jury forget this for long. He returns to Pudentilla's own letters, to her age, her reasons, her agency in the marriage, again and again, because the whole prosecution depends on nobody looking at her too closely.
Fish, wrapped cloth, and a poem
Strip away the rhetoric and the physical evidence is thin. Apuleius, the prosecution says, sought out rare sea creatures with suggestive names, the sort of ingredient a love potion calls for. He answers that he was dissecting them, as a natural philosopher does, and invites the court to consider whether a fish has ever successfully seduced anyone.
There are objects, too: something wrapped in a napkin, kept at a household shrine in his stepson Pontianus's house. Nobody testifying has actually seen inside the cloth. Apuleius says this without much difficulty, since the accusers themselves admit as much, and offers instead an ebony statuette of Mercury he happens to have brought to court, commissioned from a sculptor named Saturninus, explaining it as an object of philosophical devotion rather than sorcery.
And there is a poem, erotic verse addressed to a young man named Charinus, which Apuleius does not deny writing and instead defends on the grounds that half of Latin literature's respectable names wrote the same kind of thing.
None of it, on its own, would trouble anyone. Strung together and read aloud by a hostile prosecutor, it becomes a portrait of a man who does not belong in decent society.
What a magus actually is
Apuleius's real strategy is not denial. It is redefinition.
He accepts that the word magus exists and asks the court which meaning they intend. In Persia, he says, a magus is a priest, and any educated Roman knows this from Plato. If that is what the prosecution means by the word, he is guilty and proud of it. If they mean the vulgar sense, a hired sorcerer who harms people for money, then they have produced no victim, no poison, no curse tablet, nothing except a marriage and some fish.
He talks about his research into animals and plants. He talks about mirrors, and what a philosopher actually understands about optics that a frightened jury does not. He talks, at length, about daemons, the intermediate spirits between gods and humans that Platonists like him wrote seriously about, elsewhere, at length, without anyone accusing them of a capital crime.
By the end of it he has turned a courtroom into a lecture hall, and made the prosecution's entire case look like a failure to tell the difference between philosophy and folklore.
The only speech we have
Here is the difficulty, and it is worth saying plainly. Every fact in this article except the outcome comes from Apuleius himself. No transcript of Aemilianus's accusation survives. No record of Claudius Maximus's verdict survives. What we have is the version Apuleius wrote up afterwards and chose to publish, polished, quotable, and built to make him look brilliant.
That does not mean he is lying. It means there is no independent account to check him against, which is exactly the situation this kind of case always produces: nobody publishes the losing side of a capital trial. We infer the acquittal from silence and from what came after, not from a verdict anyone wrote down.
What came after is a public career. Apuleius went on to hold the priesthood of the imperial cult for the province of Africa, an office that would not have gone to a convicted magician.
A name nobody had to write
Back in Madauros, his hometown, a statue base survives. The statue itself is long gone. The inscription reads simply that the citizens of Madauros dedicate it to the Platonic philosopher, their ornament.
No name. Nobody who set it up needed one. In the town he came from, that description pointed to exactly one man, and everyone reading it already knew which trial he had walked out of.
Questions people actually ask
What was Apuleius accused of?
Using magic to make a wealthy widow, Pudentilla, fall in love with him and marry him. The supporting charges included buying strange fish for use in a love potion, keeping unidentified objects wrapped in cloth at a household shrine, sending erotic verses to a young man, and causing a slave boy's collapse by sorcery.
Did Apuleius win his trial?
Almost certainly, though no verdict survives. He published the speech, which people who lose capital cases rarely do, and he later held the priesthood of the imperial cult for the province of Africa, an office closed to a convicted magician. The court record itself is lost.
What is the Apologia?
Apuleius's own written version of the defence speech he gave at Sabratha in 158 CE, also called Pro Se de Magia, 'In His Own Defence Concerning Magic'. It is the only complete magic-trial defence to survive from the ancient world.
Was practicing magic actually illegal in ancient Rome?
Yes, under the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficiis, a law from 81 BCE originally aimed at murderers and poisoners. By the second century CE it was also being used against people accused of harmful sorcery, and conviction could carry the death penalty.
Who was Pudentilla?
A wealthy widow of Oea (modern Tripoli) who married Apuleius after fourteen years alone. Her first husband's family, who stood to lose access to her fortune, brought the prosecution through her brother-in-law Sicinius Aemilianus and her son's father-in-law Herennius Rufinus.
Sources & further reading
- Apuleius, Apologia (Pro Se de Magia), especially sections 1, 27–44 and 61–65.
- Vincent Hunink, Apuleius of Madauros: Pro Se de Magia (Apologia), 2 vols. (J.C. Gieben, 1997): the standard commentary.
- S.J. Harrison, Apuleius: A Latin Sophist (Oxford University Press, 2000).
- Leonardo Costantini, Magic in Apuleius' ‘Apologia’: Understanding the Charges and the Forensic Strategies in Apuleius' Speech (De Gruyter, 2019).
- James B. Rives, ‘Magic in Roman Law: The Reconstruction of a Crime’, Classical Antiquity 22.2 (2003), 313–339.